Dr. Muhammad Dan Suleiman: France still (Con)descends on Africa

By Etse SIKANKU (Prof)

French President Emmanuel Macron’s recent remarks about African countries’ “ingratitude” for France’s role in counterterrorism have reignited debates over France’s diminishing influence in Africa.

At an ambassadors’ conference in Paris, president Macron claimed that Sahelian nations “had forgotten to thank” France for its interventions, even suggesting that without French troops, many African nations “would not be sovereign today.” These comments come following an indication by three more African countries—Côte d’Ivoire, Chad, and Senegal—to end French military presence in their countries, following in the footsteps of Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger.

In a Focus of Africa debate with Security consultant David Otto, he argued that the French president’s comments could be set aside since he referred specifically to counterinsurgency efforts and specific military agreements between France and said African countries.

The comments have, however, drawn criticism from African leaders and civil society, including Chadian and Senegalese leaders, with many accusing Macron of perpetuating a colonial mindset that undermines Africa’s sovereignty and sacrifices.Geopolitical imprudence?

Yes, Macron was referring to counterinsurgency efforts by France in its former colonies. And, yes, the French president was referring to specific agreements. The president may also have a point, given that Mali, for instance, “invited” the French in 2012/13 to help when Bamako was almost overrun by militants who had already taken Timbuktu, Kidal, and Gao in the north.

However, since France is losing geopolitical currency across the continent, one would expect any French president to use some geopolitical prudence when commenting on France’s presence in Africa.

With his comments, either the president does not foresee improved French relations with the said African countries—which would be a self-destructive position given the increasingly interconnected nature of world politics. Or the French president’s comments constitute a blunder that worsens the French label in Africa.

No former colony of France can reduce its woes solely to French imperialism. Other factors are also responsible for underdevelopment and pillaging in African countries. Yet Macron’s comments—irrespective of their targeted audience or specificity—make it hard to have sympathy for France, even for people like us and think tanks like ours that warn against pushing one imperialist out and bringing “potential others” in.

A contemptuous—and hypocritical—tone?

Chad’s Foreign Minister Abderaman Koulamallah described Macron’s remarks as displaying “contempt for Africa and Africans,” pointing out that France’s contributions often served its strategic interests rather than developing African states. Senegal’s Prime Minister Ousmane Sonko went further, accusing France of destabilising Africa through interventions such as the 2011 military action in Libya, which had catastrophic ripple effects across the Sahel.

Critics also highlight Macron’s hypocrisy. While he lamented the lack of gratitude from African leaders, Sonko and Koulamallah reminded France of the sacrifices made by African soldiers during the World Wars. As Sonko noted, had African troops not been forcibly mobilised to defend France, “it would perhaps still be German today.” This observation is closer to the truth than Macron’s assertion.

Europe still owes Africa an apology. Not only because of enslaving Africans, looting African resources and decimating African people and their communities. But also because of the contribution of African soldiers in the world wars that Sonko and Koulamallah refer to.

In Ghana, when World War 2 (WW2) ex-servicemen demanded what was promised them by the colonial government before the war, they were shot at in what has become the 1948 disturbances that led to the death of three soldiers.

Africans were also denied a place in what became the winning “trophy” of the Allied Forces after WW2—the United Nations Security Council (UNSC). Today, despite boasting over one-fourth of UN membership, the continent still lacks a permanent seat in the UNSC.

Africa was forgotten despite fighting and dying with Europeans. Worse, this systemic elimination of permanent African voices persists even when over 70% of the UNSC agenda focuses on the continent.

Macron’s comments fail to acknowledge the destructive nature of the militarised counterinsurgency and the sacrifice of African soldiers in fighting terrorism. After a decade of French-controlled counterinsurgency—from Operation Serval in 2012/13 to Operation Barkhane and the G5 Sahel in 2022—every aspect of insurgency and terrorism in the Sahel, for instance, has worsened. Human casualties have seen a geometric rise. Large swaths of Sahel territories have been lost to insurgents. The French president did not account for this.

Just as African soldiers died with European soldiers in the World Wars, African soldiers and other security officers have lost their lives in counterinsurgency and counterterrorism efforts in the Sahel. The number of African casualties in such an effort dwarfs those of France. In Burkina Faso, for instance, military personnel have been victims in 80 percent of JNIM’s attacks, according to the Global Terrorism Index, 2023.

A Neo-Colonial Legacy

France did help in some ways in fighting insurgencies in the Sahel countries. However, given France’s excruciating colonial hold on these nations, French presence could logically be interpreted as betraying France’s neo-colonial tendencies. Many Africans resent French military bases across Africa, preferential trade agreements, and control over the CFA franc currency, which have sustained economic and political dependencies.

In recent years, resentment of French neocolonialism has translated into direct action. Military coups in Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger led to the expulsion of French troops and a pivot towards alternative alliances, notably with Russia.

At the Centre for Alternative Politics & Security West Africa, we believe that imperialism is no respecter of ideologies, and Eastern imperialism could be as much a liability to African development as Western imperialism. Imperialism is also no respecter of world orders: Post-9/11 and post-COVID colonialism could be as dangerous as Cold War and post-Cold War colonialism. For African countries negotiating the East-ward cascading of world politics and complicating local governance challenges, the best way is to face neither East nor West—but face Forward.

However, comments such as those from Macron give some credence to recent decisions by Chad, Senegal, and Ivory Coast to end security agreements with France. In November, Chad terminated its defence pact with Paris, with Koulamallah stating that France’s contributions were “limited to its own strategic interests” and had “no real, lasting impact on the development of the Chadian people.” He is not far from the truth, given the worsening insecurity in teh Sahel despite the French presence.

In 2017, a GTI report which measures terrorism incidents, fatalities, injuries and hostages placed Burkina Faso as the 21st country worst impacted by terrorism. It moved to the 15th worst hit in 2018, then to the 7th in 2019. The country kept succumbing to terrorism in 2020 (6th), 2021 (4th), and 2022 (2nd). In 2023, Burkina Faso was the number one country most affected by terrorism, according to the GTI.  This worsening trend is the same for Mali and Niger. These harrowing statistics, despite French presence, make Macron’s expectation of African gratitude questionable.

France’s Struggles to Adapt

Macron insists that France’s influence is not waning but merely “reorganising” on the continent. This assertion rings hollow against rising anti-French sentiment and the growing influence of other powers like Russia and China. Junta-led governments in Mali, Niger, and Burkina Faso have signed military agreements with Russia, while the Africa Corps—formerly the Wagner Group—has become increasingly active in the region.

France is not yet done in Africa. However, to maintain relevance, it must abandon its neocolonial tendencies and embrace genuine partnerships based on mutual respect and equity. Macron’s recent comments suggest a reluctance to adapt as he clings to outdated narratives of French indispensability.

His claim that France was not forced out but chose to leave due to “coups d’état” further illustrates his failure to grasp the shifting dynamics in Africa. His dismissal of African sovereignty as dependent on French intervention reflects a paternalistic attitude that has long alienated African leaders and populations.

As African nations assert their sovereignty and explore alternative alliances, France risks becoming increasingly irrelevant. Macron’s remarks, which are far from fostering goodwill, may hasten this decline. Suppose France continues to (con)descend on Africa rather than engaging as an equal partner. In that case, it will find itself further marginalised in a continent that is redefining its place in a new world order.

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